Reports have been confirmed in Romania of joint action by the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the far-right Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) against the government of Ilie Bolojan. Following announcements on April 27 regarding the start of technical preparations, the parties submitted a joint no-confidence resolution against the cabinet to parliament as early as April 28.
Reuters and AP report that the motion aims to topple the pro-European government of Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan after the PSD withdrew from the coalition, thereby depriving the cabinet of its parliamentary majority.
Parliamentary leadership has determined that the document will be read on April 29, while the debate and vote are scheduled for May 5. It was also reported that the text has gathered 251 signatures, while 233 votes are required to pass the resolution.
The political significance of this move extends far beyond parliamentary procedure. The fall of the Bolojan government could trigger prolonged political instability, put pressure on Romania’s credit rating, increase the cost of government borrowing, and complicate access to more than €10 billion in European funds that Bucharest must manage to absorb within the timeframe of the EU recovery program.
At the same time, although the PSD is working with AUR to topple the government, it has not declared its readiness to form a joint cabinet with the far-right. Both AP and Reuters emphasize that the Social Democrats are more likely trying to reshape the government on terms more favorable to themselves rather than create a full-fledged alliance with AUR.
According to the results of Bulgaria’s early parliamentary elections, the Progressive Bulgaria coalition, linked to former President Rumen Radev, came in first. According to Reuters, citing partial official results after 91.68% of ballots were counted, the coalition received 44.7% of the vote. GERB came in second with 13.4%, and Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria came in third with 13.2%.
According to data from Bulgarian agencies and exit polls, the Movement for Rights and Freedoms and Vazrazhdane also secured seats in parliament, while the BSP – United Left hovered around the threshold. Thus, the new composition of the National Assembly remains multiparty, though the winner secured a significantly stronger mandate than any party in recent elections.
The key issue now is the formation of a government. If Progressive Bulgaria secures a sufficient number of seats (which is highly likely), Bulgaria could see a single-party or dominant cabinet for the first time in a long while. If, however, it fails to secure a majority, the country faces negotiations on a coalition or external parliamentary support. This is particularly important after several years of political instability and frequent changes in government.
For Bulgaria’s economy, the election result is significant in terms of fiscal policy, infrastructure decisions, and managing the implications of the country’s entry into the eurozone on January 1, 2026. A strong government could theoretically accelerate decision-making on investments and reforms, but much will depend on how quickly the winner can translate electoral success into a functioning executive model.
For the region, the election results are significant due to Bulgaria’s role as a member of the EU and NATO, as well as a country in the Black Sea basin. Any changes in Sofia’s foreign policy could affect regional coordination on energy, security, and issues related to the conflict between Russia and Ukraine.
Five political parties could enter Kyiv City Council if the local elections were held in the near future, according to the results of a survey of electoral sentiments in Kyiv conducted by Active Group in August, which were presented at a press conference hosted by Interfax-Ukraine on Thursday.
A total of 16.5% respondents said they were ready to support the Udar Party, 15.3% – Servant of the People, 14.7% – European Solidarity, 7.2% – Opposition Platform – For Life, 5.8% – Palchevsky’s Peremoha (Victory) Party, 4.8% – Batkivschyna Party, 4.3% – Party of Shariy. The rest of political forces would not pass the 4% threshold, including Svoboda with 3.4%, Holos with 2.6% and the Radical Party of Oleh Liashko with 1%.
At the same time, among the citizens, who will go to polling stations and have decided for whom to cast their ballots, 20.1% support Udar, 18.7% – Servant of the People, 17.9% – European Solidarity, 8.8% – Opposition Platform – For Life, 7.1% – Palchevsky’s Peremoha (Victory) Party, 5.8% – Batkivschyna, 5.3% – Party of Shariy, 4.1% – Svoboda, 3.2% – Holos, 2.5% – Yednist (Unity).
The parties Strength and Honor, Ridna Krayina (Native Country) and Liashko’s Radical Party would get 1.9%, 1.6% and 1.2% of votes, respectively.
Some 15.7% respondents have not decided whom to support, and 2.3% said they would not go to polling stations.
The Opposition Platform – For Life party has the highest anti-rating in Kyiv: to the question “Which of the political forces you would never vote for at the election to the city council?” 15.9% respondents named Opposition Platform – For Life. A total of 12.7% would never vote for Servant of the People, 12.3% – for European Solidarity, 11.5% – Udar, 9.1% – for Radical Party, 8.5% – for Party of Shariy, 7.8% – for Batkivschyna.
Some 6.4% of respondents said they would never support Holos, 5.6% – Svoboda, 2.8% – for each Yednist (Unity) and Palchevsky’s Peremoha (Victory) Party.
Strength and Honor would never get votes of 1.6% of respondents, Ridna Krayina (Native Country) – of 1.3%, Democratic Alliance – of 1%, Civil Position and Power of People – of 0.7% each, other parties – of 3%. Some 32.1% said they could not answer the question. A total of 3.8% respondents said they would not go to polling stations.
The poll, which was conducted in Kyiv on August 1-2, 2020, covered 1,204 respondents using the method of individual interviewing. The poll’s margin of error does not exceed 2.8%.
