Moldova may consider unification with Romania as an alternative scenario if negotiations on the country’s accession to the European Union after 2028 are blocked or significantly delayed, reports Euractiv, citing Moldova’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economic Development and Digitalisation, Eugen Osmochescu.
According to Osmochescu, Chisinau’s main objective remains unchanged – to sign an EU accession treaty by the end of 2028. He emphasised that unification with Romania is not the current official scenario, but could be considered a ‘plan B’ if Moldova’s European integration faces insurmountable political obstacles.
This statement reflects growing concern in Chisinau over a possible delay in the EU enlargement process. Moldova was granted EU candidate status in 2022 alongside Ukraine, and the negotiation process depends not only on the implementation of reforms but also on the political decisions of EU member states.
A potential union with Romania remains a sensitive issue in Moldovan politics. Supporters of such a scenario point to the common language, history and culture, as well as the fact that a significant proportion of Moldova’s citizens hold Romanian citizenship. Opponents believe that the issue could exacerbate internal political divisions, complicate relations with part of the population and intensify the Transnistria problem.
For Romania, any discussion of such a scenario also carries complex political and legal implications. Romania is a member of the EU and NATO, so any proposals for border changes, state unification or the incorporation of new territory would require not only decisions by Bucharest and Chisinau, but also consideration of the positions of the European Union, NATO and international partners.
The Transnistrian factor is of particular significance. The left-bank region of the Dniester has not been under the de facto control of Moldova’s central authorities since the early 1990s; a Russian military contingent is present on its territory, and a political settlement of the conflict remains frozen. Any scenario involving Moldova’s accelerated integration into the EU or unification with Romania will inevitably be linked to the question of Transnistria’s status.
That said, Osmochescu’s statement should for now be viewed more as a political signal to Brussels regarding the need to maintain a clear prospect of membership for Moldova, rather than as the start of an official process of unification with Romania. Chisinau is thus signalling that delays in EU enlargement could prompt a search for alternative paths to European integration.
Moldova covers an area of approximately 33,800 square kilometres and has a population of around 2.4–3.0 million people, depending on the methodology used to count and account for citizens living abroad. Romania is a country in South-Eastern Europe, a member of the EU and NATO, with an area of around 238,400 square kilometres and a population of around 18.8–19.1 million people.
Transnistria is an unrecognised entity on the left bank of the Dniester, which declared independence from Moldova in the early 1990s and is not de facto controlled by Chisinau. No UN member state recognises Transnistria’s independence. It is recognised only by other unrecognised or partially recognised entities – Abkhazia and South Ossetia; it was previously also recognised by Nagorno-Karabakh/Artsakh, which ceased to exist following the events of 2023. The international community regards Transnistria as part of the sovereign territory of Moldova.
According to Serbian Economist, a treasure trove dating back approximately 3,000 years has been discovered in the Romanian county of Prahova; archaeologists describe it as one of the most significant finds of recent decades for studying the transition from the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age in modern-day Romania.
According to News.ro, the hoard was found by a man using a metal detector on a hill near the town of Urlați in Prahova County. The find includes three gold necklaces weighing a total of over 300 grams, as well as iron and bronze objects.
After the discovery, the artifacts were handed over to specialists at the Prahova Museum of Archaeology for study, dating, and determination of the materials’ origin. Archaeologist Alin Frânculeascu stated that the find is exceptional for Romania, as the objects, according to preliminary assessments, may date to different periods—from the Middle and Late Bronze Ages to the early Iron Age.
This is precisely what makes the find particularly significant. If further research confirms that the objects do indeed belong to different time periods, archaeologists will have to explain how they came to be together in a single site. This could lead to a refinement of existing understandings of the chronology, technologies, and connections among societies that inhabited the territory of present-day Romania some three thousand years ago.
Some of the objects are considered extremely rare. Among them are items associated with chariots or carts, as well as gold jewelry that may have had not only decorative but also status-symbol or ritual significance.
Once the research is complete, the hoard is scheduled to be presented to the general public.
Romanian President Nicușor Dan stated that he would not propose a candidate for prime minister without a pre-agreed parliamentary majority, following the dismissal of Ilie Bolojan’s government via a vote of no confidence.
According to Digi24, Dan intends to invite parliamentary parties for consultations on Thursday or next Monday. He emphasized that he does not want to “experiment” with appointing a prime minister who would then be unable to secure a majority in parliament.
The president also did not rule out the option of a technocratic government, which could be led by an independent expert. At the same time, he said, there are “relatively few” options capable of securing a stable majority, as the parties’ positions remain rigid following the fall of Bolojan’s cabinet.
The political crisis in Romania began after parliament passed a no-confidence vote against the Bolojan government on May 5. A total of 281 deputies voted for the cabinet’s resignation, significantly exceeding the required minimum of 233 votes. The motion was supported by the Social Democratic Party and the right-wing nationalist Alliance for the Union of Romanians.
After the vote, Bolojan’s National Liberal Party announced its move to the opposition and its refusal to form a new coalition with the Social Democrats. This sharply narrows the scope for the rapid formation of a government, as it will be difficult to secure a stable majority without the PSD or a portion of its votes.
Among the scenarios being discussed are Bolojan’s return to the post of prime minister, the formation of a technocratic cabinet, a new agreement between pro-European parties, or a more complex configuration involving the PSD. UDMR leader Hunor Kelemen stated that the option of a technocratic prime minister could be acceptable if the ministers remain political appointees of the parties that secure the majority.
For Romania, a prolonged crisis carries economic risks. The country needs to continue fiscal consolidation and meet the conditions for receiving EU funds, whereas a caretaker government has limited powers. Bolojan previously warned that the absence of a full-fledged cabinet could complicate access to European funding.
Romania remains one of the key countries on the eastern flank of the EU and NATO, as well as an important logistical partner for Ukraine on the Danube and the Black Sea.
The Parliament of Romania has supported a vote of no confidence in the government of Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan, leading to the سقوط of the pro-European cabinet and opening a new phase of political uncertainty in one of the key countries on the eastern flank of the EU and NATO.
A total of 281 deputies voted in favor of the no-confidence motion, exceeding the required minimum of 233 votes. Only four parliamentarians voted against. This result became one of the largest no-confidence votes in the history of Romanian parliamentarism.
The political crisis escalated after representatives of the Social Democratic Party (PSD) withdrew from the government. Following this, the Social Democrats, together with right-wing and far-right forces, initiated the consideration of the no-confidence motion at a joint session of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. Immediately after the announcement of the voting results, Bolojan left the parliament building and returned to the government residence.
One of the causes of the crisis was disagreements over fiscal austerity measures. Bolojan’s cabinet pursued a course of deficit reduction, tax increases, and spending cuts, which provoked resistance from the Social Democrats. After PSD’s withdrawal from the coalition, the government effectively lost its stable majority.
Bolojan remains acting prime minister until a new government is formed; however, his powers will be limited. The President of Romania, Nicușor Dan, is expected to begin consultations with political parties to find a new cabinet formula. Possible scenarios include restoring a pro-European coalition in a revised composition, appointing a technocratic prime minister, or forming a new minority government.
The political situation is further complicated by the fact that the Romanian parliament remains highly fragmented. Following the parliamentary elections of December 1, 2024, no party secured a majority in either the Chamber of Deputies or the Senate.
In the Chamber of Deputies, the Social Democratic Party (PSD) became the largest force with 86 seats. It is followed by the right-wing nationalist Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) with 63 seats, the National Liberal Party (PNL) with 49 seats, the liberal Save Romania Union (USR) with 40 seats, the far-right S.O.S. Romania with 28 seats, the Party of Young People (POT) with 24 seats, and the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR) with 22 seats. An additional 19 seats are held by representatives of national minorities.
In the Senate, PSD secured 36 seats, AUR — 28, PNL — 22, USR — 19, S.O.S. Romania — 12, UDMR — 10, and POT — 7 seats.
Politically, the parliament is now условно divided into three blocs. The first consists of moderate pro-European parties: PSD, PNL, USR, UDMR, and representatives of national minorities. In theory, they could form a new majority, but they have significant disagreements over budget, taxation, and social policy. The second bloc is the nationalist and eurosceptic flank, primarily AUR, S.O.S. Romania, and POT. The third consists of situational groups and individual deputies, whose role increases in tight votes.
The crisis in Bucharest has not only domestic but also regional significance. Romania remains one of the most important countries for Ukraine’s logistics, exports via the Danube and the Black Sea, hosting NATO infrastructure, and maintaining security on Europe’s eastern flank. Any prolonged political uncertainty may complicate decision-making on budgetary, defense, and infrastructure issues.
Economic risks are also substantial. Political instability increases concerns about Romania’s sovereign ratings, access to EU funds, and the stability of the national currency. Bucharest must implement reforms and meet deficit reduction targets to maintain access to significant resources from European recovery funds.
According to the analytical center Experts Club, the fall of the Romanian government creates three main risks for the region: slower fiscal consolidation, increased volatility in financial markets, and weakened political predictability in matters of support for Ukraine.
“For Ukraine and the entire region, it is important that the political crisis in Romania does not turn into institutional paralysis. Romania is not a peripheral player, but one of the key hubs of Eastern European security, Danube logistics, and interaction with the EU. If a new government is formed quickly and maintains a pro-European course, the effect will be limited. However, if the crisis drags on, it may affect infrastructure projects, defense coordination, and the investment climate across the region,” said the founder of Experts Club, Maksym Urakin.
According to him, the factor of far-right forces that supported the no-confidence vote is of particular importance.
“The no-confidence vote itself does not mean a turn away from the EU or NATO. However, it shows that protest against fiscal austerity and social pressure can be used by forces advocating a more confrontational and less predictable foreign policy. For neighboring countries, this is a signal: economic fatigue of the population is becoming a security factor,” Urakin noted.
Experts Club believes that the baseline scenario remains an attempt by the president and moderate parties to restore a manageable pro-European configuration without the participation of the far right. However, even in this case, the new government will have to balance between EU requirements for deficit reduction, social discontent, and the need to maintain Romania’s active role in regional security.
According to Serbian Economist, the housing market in neighboring Romania continues to see price growth at the start of 2026, although the pace now appears more moderate than during the post-pandemic surge. According to Eurostat, the annual growth in housing prices in Romania at the end of 2025 was about 6.7%, which was higher than the EU average.
Bucharest remains the main market hub, but high prices persist in the largest regional cities as well. According to Romania Insider, in February 2026, two districts in the capital had already surpassed Cluj-Napoca in terms of price per square meter, while Cluj itself remained at approximately €3,300 per square meter. For Bucharest, research and market surveys indicate a city benchmark of €2,236 per square meter in February 2026.
In terms of transactions, the start of 2026 was uneven. In January, 24,598 real estate transactions were registered nationwide, which was below the level of January 2025, and apartment transactions fell by 25% nationwide and by 22% in Bucharest, according to Storia’s analysis based on ANCPI data. By February, the market had already picked up noticeably: the number of transactions rose to 44,427, and Bucharest once again became the country’s largest housing market.
The key trend at the start of 2026 is that the market remains active, but buyers have become more cautious. In its 2026 review, CBRE notes that Romanian buyers dominated the transaction mix at the end of 2025 and accounted for about 31% of the total investment volume for the year, while broader market reviews describe demand as “cautiously positive”: buyers remain active but are taking longer to make decisions and are focused on properly valued properties in good locations.
From a pricing perspective, the market can no longer be called cheap, even by regional standards. Colliers noted at the end of 2025 that prices in Romania’s largest cities had risen by 60–90% over six years, and in Cluj by approximately 100%, while in Bucharest the number of building permits had fallen by 45% over three years, further limiting supply.
Another important consideration for buyers and investors is that the Romanian market is becoming more demanding regarding transaction structures and financing. According to Legal 500, the sector is entering a more “disciplined” phase in 2026, where decisions are more strongly influenced by borrowing costs, the regulatory environment, and the quality of documentation. The OECD also expects only a moderate acceleration in economic growth for Romania in 2026 following a weak 2025, which means the housing market will increasingly depend on household incomes and mortgage availability, rather than just on the momentum of growth.
As for foreigners, no recent official statistics specifically regarding homebuyers by nationality at the beginning of 2026 could be found in open sources. Therefore, it is more accurate to distinguish between the market presence of foreigners and the market of foreign buyers. According to OECD data, in 2024, 52,000 new immigrants in Romania received residence permits valid for more than 12 months, and the largest groups of immigrants in the country in 2024–2025 were linked to Ukraine, Italy, Spain, Moldova, and Turkey. This is not the same as homebuyers, but it shows which foreign groups are currently most prominent in the country and potentially drive part of the demand for renting and buying real estate.
There has also been a noticeable increase in labor migration from Asia. The OECD notes that among new arrivals in 2023–2025, the largest groups were citizens of Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Turkey, while the Romanian labor market has also been actively attracting workers from India and Bangladesh in recent years. For the housing market, this is particularly important in the rental, dormitory, and affordable housing segments in major cities, rather than in the premium segment of apartment purchases.
Reports have been confirmed in Romania of joint action by the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the far-right Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) against the government of Ilie Bolojan. Following announcements on April 27 regarding the start of technical preparations, the parties submitted a joint no-confidence resolution against the cabinet to parliament as early as April 28.
Reuters and AP report that the motion aims to topple the pro-European government of Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan after the PSD withdrew from the coalition, thereby depriving the cabinet of its parliamentary majority.
Parliamentary leadership has determined that the document will be read on April 29, while the debate and vote are scheduled for May 5. It was also reported that the text has gathered 251 signatures, while 233 votes are required to pass the resolution.
The political significance of this move extends far beyond parliamentary procedure. The fall of the Bolojan government could trigger prolonged political instability, put pressure on Romania’s credit rating, increase the cost of government borrowing, and complicate access to more than €10 billion in European funds that Bucharest must manage to absorb within the timeframe of the EU recovery program.
At the same time, although the PSD is working with AUR to topple the government, it has not declared its readiness to form a joint cabinet with the far-right. Both AP and Reuters emphasize that the Social Democrats are more likely trying to reshape the government on terms more favorable to themselves rather than create a full-fledged alliance with AUR.
