JSC “Kramatorsk Heavy Machine-Tool Plant” (KZVV, Perechin, Zakarpattia Oblast), nearly 97.7% of whose shares are owned by former People’s Deputy (2016–2023) Maksym Yefimov, increased its net sales revenue by more than 2.6 times in 2025 compared to 2024—to 50.429 billion UAH.
According to the company’s financial statements, its net profit grew by nearly 2.3 times—to 1.409 billion UAH, which aligns with previously published preliminary data.
KZVV reported UAH 2.684 billion in gross profit (a 2.3-fold increase), while operating profit rose by more than 2.2 times to UAH 1.645 billion.
Retained earnings as of December 31, 2025, amounted to UAH 2.118 billion (UAH 702.5 million at the beginning of the year).
Over the year, the plant increased its current liabilities by 53% to UAH 40.084 billion, while long-term liabilities, having decreased slightly, amounted to UAH 122.5 million.
As reported, KZVV planned at the general meeting of shareholders on April 30 to allocate UAH 1.1267 billion (80% of net profit) for the payment of dividends for 2025, at a rate of UAH 7.89 per share. However, the minutes of the meeting and the resolution on this matter have not yet been published on the plant’s website.
KZVV, which was relocated from Kramatorsk to Perechyn in the summer of 2022, specializes primarily in universal special-purpose machine tools designed for the energy, metallurgical, oil and gas, machine-building, and railway industries, as well as machine tools for single-unit and small-batch production. The plant also manufactures special-purpose products.
Friendly Wind Technology manufactures wind power equipment at the plant’s facilities, and in August 2023, the Friendly Wind Technology industrial park was registered in Perechyn.
JSC Ukrzaliznytsia has selected LLC “Advertising Agency Group Ukr-Media” as the sole advertising operator with the right to place 898 advertising panels, according to a company statement released on Tuesday.
“An auction was held on the Prozorro.Prozori electronic trading platform for the right to place advertising media and materials at 94 train stations in Ukraine,” Ukrzaliznytsia reported on Telegram.
It is noted that the contract provides for the renewal of advertising infrastructure at the winner’s expense. The monthly cost of the contract is 2.05 million UAH (excluding VAT).
It is expected that new screens will appear above the escalator at Kyiv Central Station, as well as at stations in Kyiv, Lviv, Dnipro, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Tatariv-Bukovel.
As for citylights with video content, they will be installed in Kyiv, Odesa, Dnipro, and Lviv.
“Ukrzaliznytsia continues its systematic work to streamline the advertising environment and improve the efficiency of station infrastructure use,” the company emphasized.
Number of unemployed in Ukraine and job opportunities, 2024-2025
The state-owned public joint-stock company “National Joint-Stock Company ”Ukragroleasing” will allocate 75% of its net profit for 2025 to dividend payments, the issuer reported in the NSSMC’s disclosure system, citing Order No. 811 of the State Property Fund of Ukraine (SPFU) No. 811 dated April 29, 2026.
According to the document, the total amount of annual dividends has been approved at UAH 1.58 million, which amounts to UAH 0.14 per share. The payment will be made directly to the shareholder (the state, represented by the SPFU) between April 30 and June 30, 2026. In accordance with the law, the company must transfer the funds to the budget no later than July 1.
At the same time, another provision of this order approved the reports on the remuneration of the company’s management and supervisory board for 2025.
Acting CEO Vitalii Ravliuk was awarded 1.12 million UAH in fixed compensation for the past year. His average monthly income was 93,320 UAH, which is 3.2 times higher than the company’s average salary (29,150 UAH). Deputy heads Roman Dzyuba and Ruslan Romanenko received 0.83 million UAH and 0.62 million UAH, respectively, which is 2.4 and 1.8 times higher than the average salary of regular employees.
The compensation for the four independent members of the supervisory board (Dmytro Oliinyk, Mykola Baranov, Serhiy Kabanets, Volodymyr Polishchuk) for the past year amounted to 0.88 million UAH—0.22 million UAH each. Shareholder representatives on the board did not receive any payments. During the year, there was a rotation within the board: the terms of Svitlana Pasichna and Viktoria Kozyreva were terminated, and Tetiana Mashchenko joined the board.
Management compensation was provided exclusively through base salaries, as bonuses and incentives were not awarded due to the absence of approved performance criteria (KPIs).
An analysis of the financial statements shows that total expenses for management and supervisory board compensation in 2025 amounted to 3.45 million UAH, which is 2.2 times the amount of dividends paid to the state. At the same time, the total payment to just three members of the management board (2.57 million UAH) was 1.6 times greater than the annual amount of dividends paid to the budget.
As reported, Ukragroleasing posted a net profit of UAH 2.11 million for 2025, which is 6% higher than the 2024 figure (UAH 1.99 million). Net sales revenue for the reporting period decreased by 12.9% to UAH 185.61 million. The company’s total assets at year-end increased by 3.1% to UAH 444.26 million; equity stood at UAH 409.52 million, with registered capital of UAH 1.17 billion.
UkrAgroLeasing was established in 1999; the company provides agricultural machinery and equipment under financial lease agreements. Since June 2018, 100% of the company’s shares have been in the process of privatization. According to YouControl, the holding company comprises 25 separate branches.
According to Fixygen, the cryptocurrency market began to recover last week and early this week following a weak start to the year: Bitcoin returned above $80,000 and rose to $81,600 on May 5, while Ethereum traded around $2,380 and Solana around $85–86. According to MarketWatch, Bitcoin reached its highest level since late January, and the CoinDesk Bitcoin Price Index rose for six consecutive days, gaining about 8% over that period.
Last week, Bitcoin mostly traded within the $75,700–$80,000 range, while Ethereum traded around $2,200–$2,380. The market reacted to improved risk appetite, inflows into Bitcoin ETFs, and expectations of greater regulatory clarity in the U.S. According to Saxo, ETF flows were mixed midweek but turned positive again by Friday, supporting the price recovery.
Momentum picked up earlier this week: Bitcoin broke through $80,000 for the first time since late January, and a number of crypto stocks also rose amid discussions of a compromise on the U.S. Clarity Act, which is intended to clarify the regulation of the digital asset and stablecoin markets. Investors.com notes that the bill boosted sentiment in the sector, while demand for a Bitcoin ETF remained one of the drivers of growth.
Nevertheless, the market does not yet appear to be unequivocally bullish. Barron’s points out that, despite Bitcoin’s return above $80,000 and a rise of approximately 17% over the month, it remains significantly below the all-time high reached in the fall of 2025. The publication also notes that geopolitical tensions and the risk of rising oil prices continue to weigh on risky assets.
The main short-term trend is the market’s attempt to consolidate above the psychological $80,000 level for Bitcoin. If buyers hold this level, the next target could be the $84,000–$86,000 range, where profit-taking is likely following a rapid recovery. With weak ETF inflows or a deterioration in the broader market environment, Bitcoin could return to the $76,000–$78,000 range.
Ethereum currently appears weaker than Bitcoin. Its growth is supported by the general market recovery, but ETH has fewer strong drivers of its own. For the picture to improve, Ethereum needs to consolidate above $2,400; otherwise, it may continue to move sideways in the $2,200–2,400 range.
Altcoins remain dependent on Bitcoin’s performance. Solana and other major tokens are recovering, but investors remain cautious: following the sharp market drop at the start of the year, capital is first returning to Bitcoin and only then to riskier assets. Therefore, a full-fledged “alt season” is only possible with sustained BTC growth and reduced volatility.
The base case for the near term is moderately positive: the market may continue its recovery if Bitcoin stays above $80,000, ETF inflows persist, and regulatory expectations in the U.S. remain favorable. The negative scenario involves a return to a downtrend amid intensifying geopolitical risks, rising U.S. yields, or disappointment regarding ETF inflows. In this case, the crypto market may once again enter a defensive phase, where Bitcoin will appear more stable than most altcoins.
For Fixygen.ua, the key takeaway is that the current rally looks more like a recovery rally following a sharp decline than the start of a confident new bull cycle. The market needs three confirmations: Bitcoin’s sustained consolidation above $80,000, stable inflows into ETFs, and a reduction in macroeconomic risks. Without these, the rally may remain a technical bounce within a broader volatile phase.
The Parliament of Romania has supported a vote of no confidence in the government of Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan, leading to the سقوط of the pro-European cabinet and opening a new phase of political uncertainty in one of the key countries on the eastern flank of the EU and NATO.
A total of 281 deputies voted in favor of the no-confidence motion, exceeding the required minimum of 233 votes. Only four parliamentarians voted against. This result became one of the largest no-confidence votes in the history of Romanian parliamentarism.
The political crisis escalated after representatives of the Social Democratic Party (PSD) withdrew from the government. Following this, the Social Democrats, together with right-wing and far-right forces, initiated the consideration of the no-confidence motion at a joint session of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. Immediately after the announcement of the voting results, Bolojan left the parliament building and returned to the government residence.
One of the causes of the crisis was disagreements over fiscal austerity measures. Bolojan’s cabinet pursued a course of deficit reduction, tax increases, and spending cuts, which provoked resistance from the Social Democrats. After PSD’s withdrawal from the coalition, the government effectively lost its stable majority.
Bolojan remains acting prime minister until a new government is formed; however, his powers will be limited. The President of Romania, Nicușor Dan, is expected to begin consultations with political parties to find a new cabinet formula. Possible scenarios include restoring a pro-European coalition in a revised composition, appointing a technocratic prime minister, or forming a new minority government.
The political situation is further complicated by the fact that the Romanian parliament remains highly fragmented. Following the parliamentary elections of December 1, 2024, no party secured a majority in either the Chamber of Deputies or the Senate.
In the Chamber of Deputies, the Social Democratic Party (PSD) became the largest force with 86 seats. It is followed by the right-wing nationalist Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) with 63 seats, the National Liberal Party (PNL) with 49 seats, the liberal Save Romania Union (USR) with 40 seats, the far-right S.O.S. Romania with 28 seats, the Party of Young People (POT) with 24 seats, and the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR) with 22 seats. An additional 19 seats are held by representatives of national minorities.
In the Senate, PSD secured 36 seats, AUR — 28, PNL — 22, USR — 19, S.O.S. Romania — 12, UDMR — 10, and POT — 7 seats.
Politically, the parliament is now условно divided into three blocs. The first consists of moderate pro-European parties: PSD, PNL, USR, UDMR, and representatives of national minorities. In theory, they could form a new majority, but they have significant disagreements over budget, taxation, and social policy. The second bloc is the nationalist and eurosceptic flank, primarily AUR, S.O.S. Romania, and POT. The third consists of situational groups and individual deputies, whose role increases in tight votes.
The crisis in Bucharest has not only domestic but also regional significance. Romania remains one of the most important countries for Ukraine’s logistics, exports via the Danube and the Black Sea, hosting NATO infrastructure, and maintaining security on Europe’s eastern flank. Any prolonged political uncertainty may complicate decision-making on budgetary, defense, and infrastructure issues.
Economic risks are also substantial. Political instability increases concerns about Romania’s sovereign ratings, access to EU funds, and the stability of the national currency. Bucharest must implement reforms and meet deficit reduction targets to maintain access to significant resources from European recovery funds.
According to the analytical center Experts Club, the fall of the Romanian government creates three main risks for the region: slower fiscal consolidation, increased volatility in financial markets, and weakened political predictability in matters of support for Ukraine.
“For Ukraine and the entire region, it is important that the political crisis in Romania does not turn into institutional paralysis. Romania is not a peripheral player, but one of the key hubs of Eastern European security, Danube logistics, and interaction with the EU. If a new government is formed quickly and maintains a pro-European course, the effect will be limited. However, if the crisis drags on, it may affect infrastructure projects, defense coordination, and the investment climate across the region,” said the founder of Experts Club, Maksym Urakin.
According to him, the factor of far-right forces that supported the no-confidence vote is of particular importance.
“The no-confidence vote itself does not mean a turn away from the EU or NATO. However, it shows that protest against fiscal austerity and social pressure can be used by forces advocating a more confrontational and less predictable foreign policy. For neighboring countries, this is a signal: economic fatigue of the population is becoming a security factor,” Urakin noted.
Experts Club believes that the baseline scenario remains an attempt by the president and moderate parties to restore a manageable pro-European configuration without the participation of the far right. However, even in this case, the new government will have to balance between EU requirements for deficit reduction, social discontent, and the need to maintain Romania’s active role in regional security.
